With the inauguration of Trump as US president for the second time, we are publishing a three-part perspectives document from Socialist Alternative that is currently being discussed throughout our national organization.
Part one is an analysis of the election result, how we got here, and the developments taking place in consciousness. Part two provides a characterization for the likely trajectory of Trump 2.0 and what we can expect for various aspects of his rule, both domestically and in the escalating inter-imperialist bloc conflict. Part three covers the possibilities for struggle, the state of the left, and the strategy and program of Marxists under the coming, and highly dangerous, regime of Trump 2.0.
117. Trump’s victory is not being met with the same explosion of protest and struggle that his first election was. It is worth quoting at length an NC document from February 2017 titled “Our Strategy and Tactics in the Anti-Trump Resistance” and contained in Members Bulletin 86, to illustrate just how different the terrain is now from eight years ago.
The grassroots energy on the left is probably the largest since the Vietnam War era. There is a veritable ocean of resistance. We have already seen: some of the largest protests in US history, in the form of the women’s marches on January 21; a continuous wave of anti-Trump protrests, meetings, and activism; large scale direct actions around #OccupyAirports; and now a significant national discussion about the need for strike action.
Underneath this developing mass movement is an extremely widespread politicization of society. There is a deep polarization within the country. It is important to recognize that Trump’s base is still intact, but what stands out at this stage is the scale of opposition to Trump. Trump not only lost the popular vote in the November 2016 election, but shattered previous records by reaching a majority disapproval rating within 8 days of taking office.
This mass anti-Trump sentiment is of course not homogenous. A substantial section is still “soft” and passive in its opposition to Trump and can be moved toward or away from Trump depending on events. But what is absolutely decisive for us is the large section of the anti-Trump populace, though still a minority of the country overall, that intensely and actively opposes Trump. They do not see Trump as having any legitimacy and believe he represents an existential threat. There is a feeling that the “existing order” is intolerable, and an all out struggle against him is needed.
This amounts to a mood of rebellion within significant sections of US society. There are large elements of a 1968-like situation developing, though starting from a much lower consciousness and with a far weaker left and labor movement. This represents the biggest opportunity for the radical left in the US since the Vietnam War era.
Key factors fueling this anti-Trump movement are: a) the popular anger at Trump’s right-wing agenda, which is a significant overreach given the underlying balance of forces and public opinion in US society; b) the radicalization and struggle that has been developing since 2011 and reached a high point during the Sanders campaign in early 2016; c) Trump’s widely perceived lack of legitimacy to govern, which flows from his losing the popular vote as well as his vulgar and obnoxious conduct; d) strong oppostion to Trump from large sections of the ruling class.
118. Beyond the overall starkly different picture in general this excerpt paints from what we have now, the last paragraph quoted is especially instructive. While some limited aspects of the four factors outlined are certainly present today, none of them exist nearly to the degree they did when that document was written.
119. Today we have different factors which instead lead to a lack of struggle, including demoralization flowing from the betrayals and defeats of the last decade, setbacks in consciousness resulting from the ruling class’ right-wing ideological offensive of recent years, a widespread feeling that “protesting doesn’t work,” severe weakness of the organized left and far left, and the lack of a lead being provided by the labor leadership.
120. Despite this, however, and what is extremely important for us to understand, is that while the exact scale, timing, and around what issues it takes place remains to be seen, we can be fully confident there will be struggle under Trump 2.0, and quite possibly on a mass scale. This will begin with a small layer in the streets over inauguration weekend. Even so, it is critical we are out there, energetically talking with the most fighting elements, and putting forward the program and strategy we see as needed to fight Trump’s agenda and capitalism. Unlike 2016-17, the protests after election night and around inauguration day aren’t likely to set the mood for struggle under the new administration. Key struggles will develop out of the experience of severe attacks.
121. While struggles of an offensive character can continue to take place under Trump 2.0, especially in the labor movement, broadly we are likely to see defensive struggles: fighting back against cuts and federal layoffs, stopping mass deportations or other attacks like on trans rights, resisting an escalation of war, opposing mobilization or hate crimes by an emboldened far right, and fighting back against state repression. Marxists call this the “whip of reaction:” when reaction spurs a fightback.
122. Whatever section of society moves into struggle first, it can have the effect of inspiring others to take action, even on seemingly different issues. Federal workers waging a militant fightback against cuts and layoffs can make immigrants less afraid to organize against deportations. A reignition of mass anti-war protests can act as a boost for struggles to defend trans rights. What’s important is that people begin to fight back. Without struggle, attacks become normalized, and normalization leads to demoralization. If this lasts for a shorter time, it can be more easily broken. But like concrete, once demoralization hardens, it will take jackhammer-level events to break it.
123. Trump’s election is a setback for the working class and oppressed, but the decisive battles are yet to come. When Reagan – who like Trump was a vicious reactionary whose regime targeted the historic gains made by the labor movement, Black people, women and queer people – won in 1980, there were still huge numbers of leftist youth, union militants, and left-wing labor leaders. In order to decisively defeat them, Reagan had to pick an epoch-defining battle and win. Firing 11,000 unionized striking air traffic controllers in 1981, a union that had only a year earlier endorsed him, was just that fight. But even then it was a risk, and defeat for the labor movement and left wasn’t inevitable. Will Trump try to provoke big era-defining battles like that? It is certainly possible, and a section of the ruling class wants him to, but how this plays out is far from preordained. It’s crucial that we discuss the potential arenas in which struggle could take place in order to politically prepare ourselves to intervene. The sections below do not cover every detail, but paint a general picture to kick off discussion on what we can expect.
Immigration
124. Trump’s anti-immigrant rhetoric and promises have become a defining feature of his image and movement. The right wing has had a fair bit of success linking immigration to crowded schools, hospitals, and not enough homes in the minds of tens of millions of ordinary people, effectively directing blame away from the system. Trump has promised to seal the border and carry out the largest mass deportation program in the country’s history starting on day one, including use of the military to do so.
125. Illegal border crossings at the US-Mexico border have significantly slowed in recent months, a trend which is likely to continue in the first few months of Trump’s term. Trump may try to take credit for this, while also using shock and awe tactics to intimidate migrants who want to cross the border, as well as undocumented workers currently in the US. Deporting one million immigrants in a year is reported to cost approximately $100 billion dollars, and Trump wants to far exceed that. Talk of ending family separation among Trump’s inner circle, far from a morals-based retreat from this disgusting policy, would actually mean the deportation of children who are legal residents and even citizens along with their undocumented parents.
126. Far right figure Stephen Miller, one of Trump’s closest and most influential advisors eight years ago and a key defender of family separation, will be back for round two as deputy chief of staff for policy and homeland security advisor. He has talked about federalizing state National Guard troops and sending those from Republican-governed states into nearby states run by Democrats who refuse to participate in his plan (some Democrats, like Eric Adams in New York City, have signalled openness to participating, unlike eight years ago when this was basically unheard of). Trump will resume the workplace raids of his first term, which were paused by Biden, but on what scale is not yet clear.
127. While not likely the starting point, it is entirely possible that the administration goes even further, with US troops patrolling city streets and trying to enter schools and hospitals to round up immigrants. This would be a truly shocking development for tens of millions of people, even a layer of Trump supporters, and would likely lead to significant protests. It is also not ruled out that some states could pass “bounty laws” for reporting undocumented immigrants, like those that already exist around abortion and are now being proposed in Texas around bathroom use by trans people. If this happens without mass struggle in response, it would be a significant setback.
128. However, it is extremely unlikely that Trump can fully implement his plan for mass deportations on the scale he’s proposing. It would be enormously expensive to deport 11 million immigrants, or even half of that over four years. It would also be deeply destabilizing to the economy, as explained in part two of this document. And most importantly for us, not only would a section of capitalists – who rely greatly on cheap immigrant labor – come out against it, but so would ordinary people. However, while small or even medium-sized protests can act as a starting point, stopping Trump’s deportation machine will take going beyond even the Muslim Ban protests, with struggle more on the scale of the 2006 “Day Without an Immigrant” where one million immigrant workers went on strike together on May 1st to defeat the viciously anti-immigrant Sensenbrenner Bill.
129. Increased xenophobic sentiment among the working class, as a result of a push in this direction by both wings of the political establishment, definitely poses a challenge for any immigrant rights movement today. However, mass struggle would have a hugely positive impact on wider consciousness, including millions of Trump voters, and begin to chip away at recent gains in consciousness by the right. We should also be clear, however, that increased repression doesn’t automatically result in wider struggle, especially given widespread fear among immigrants and demoralization generally.
130. We should call on the unions, especially in immigrant-heavy industries as well as education and healthcare which ICE officers may specifically target, to lead from the front in mobilizing against Trump’s anti-immigrant policies, which harm the whole working class. Labor leaders like Sean O’Brien, who nearly every time he said the word “worker” during his RNC speech preceded it with “American,” will be tested, and many will fail. As in Trump’s first term, from the Muslim Ban protests to the wave of Abolish ICE protests the following year and school walkouts to save DACA the year after that, immigration will be a flashpoint during Trump 2.0.
Trans Rights
131. As discussed in part one of this document, we have seen a sharp rise in transphobic rhetoric and legislative attacks in the last few years. Without significant struggle to fight back, this has also led to a setback in consciousness around this issue among a section of the working class. However, it is absolutely the case that tens of millions of people still stand firmly on the side of trans rights in the workplace, schools, healthcare, and society at large, and are disgusted by the right’s attacks.
132. The right wing sees going after trans people as an “easy victory.” Approximately 1% of the population identifies as trans, and the nature of trans oppression is still largely not understood by huge swathes of the population. While much of Trump’s agenda will take a longer time to implement, pushing through attacks on trans people early on can help him solidify his image as somebody who “gets things done,” no matter how vile those things are.
133. The Supreme Court has already heard the arguments for United States vs. Skrmetti, the case on whether the Tennessee law banning puberty blockers, hormone therapy, and gender-affirming surgeries for transgender minors is constitutional. It is all but guaranteed that the current 6-3 conservative Supreme Court will rule in favor of upholding the ban, even if one of the conservative justices flips. The ruling comes out in June, Pride month. We are crystal clear that there is no path to reversing the attacks on trans people without struggle on a mass scale.
134. There will be protests around this case, which we should energetically seek to build, intervene in, and organize our own when and where it makes sense. The December bathroom sit-in organized by Gender Liberation Collective and Chelsea Manning in the Capitol building outside of speaker Mike Johnson’s office sets an example for what kind of action is needed, but of course on an exponentially larger scale. TERFism (Trans Exclusive Radical Feminism, essentially transphobia disguised as feminism) has not been a significant feature in women’s struggle of recent years in the US, as opposed to several other countries where these ideas have been more pronounced like in much of Latin America. These insidious ideas will likely gain more of a following in the US, and will need to be actively combatted.
135. After the overturn of Roe, several Republican-led states were still forced to enshrine some form of abortion rights into their state constitutions due to referendums. This will be far less likely around trans rights, which don’t enjoy the same level of support that abortion rights do, though if it did develop it would be very important. If the Tennessee ban is upheld without significant struggle, this will have a devastating effect on tens of thousands of trans youth and their families, and can also be profoundly demoralizing politically.
136. Beyond attacks nationally, there will continue to be many levied at the state level especially in Republican-led states, which could spur protests. Right-wing counter protests in support of attacks on trans rights could be a feature as well, which would necessitate even wider mobilization by the left and labor movement. It is also possible that violent hate crimes could spark protests that can be built on, like the relatively small but significant wave of protests following the brutal murder of Brianna Ghey, a trans teenager in the UK killed by her classmates.
137. The right wing’s war on LGBTQ people and the “woke agenda” will also be used as a trojan horse to slash education spending. Trump has already threatened funding cuts for schools or programs that feature “critical race theory, gender ideology, or other inappropriate racial, sexual or political content.” Educators’ unions in particular will have a crucial role to play in fighting to defend trans and other marginalized students, and make it clear that these attacks are also used as pretenses for attacks on the wider working class. This will be quite a literal case of an injury to one being an injury to all.
Labor
138. Regardless of whether Trump or Harris won, the slow but steady uptick in labor militancy was going to continue. High-profile struggles to organize the unorganized, like at Starbucks, Amazon, and the auto industry in the South, have all faced setbacks, but in the context of overall steps forward. While starting from a historically low level, the increase in strikes has been very important, especially in heavy industry. Trump is a notorious union buster and has always been viciously anti-union. He is forced to moderate this somewhat in the public eye – for instance his nominee for secretary of labor being presented as pro-union and even Sean O’Brien’s top choice – to maintain his pro-worker facade, but this will be heavily uneven and will not fundamentally alter his dominant approach which will be decidedly anti-union.
139. He is likely to feign more sympathy with private sector industrial unions, which he correctly sees as having more overlap with his base and will be more hesitant to go after. This will mainly take the form of largely symbolic statements, like the supportive comments Trump made on Truth Social in mid-December about the East and Gulf Coast ILA dockworkers’ fight against automation, but when push comes to shove he will undoubtedly overall come down on the side of the bosses. On the other hand, there will be no such supportive symbolic gestures given to the public sector unions like the teachers and federal workers. A core part of Project 2025 is breaking the teachers unions as a step toward privatizing public education, and Musk and Ramaswamy are foaming at the mouth to use DOGE to gut the Department of Education. Musk and Ramaswamy have also talked about mass layoffs of federal workers, a disproportionate 20% of whom are Black and live in Democrat-controlled cities, which only serves to sweeten the deal for this racist administration.
140. We should remember that the #RedForEd teachers’ strike wave, which was the beginning of the labor upsurge, began under Trump’s first term. The strikes began in “red state” teachers’ unions, often led by rank-and-file educators rising up against both the state government and their own union leaders. If the Trump administration goes after federal workers with major cuts and layoffs, a similar dynamic would likely need to play out in these unions, which are by and large extremely weak and hollowed out. If this happens, it can have a catalyzing and inspiring effect on other struggles, both inside and outside the labor movement, as did #RedForEd. Federal workers are banned from going on strike so, like teachers have done in many states since 2018, they will need to break the law en masse to stop Trump’s attacks—another thing pointing to the likelihood of needing to go beyond the existing union leaders.
141. With Trump looking to Javier Milei for inspiration, public sector workers in the US should look to Argentinian workers for theirs. A 1.5 million-strong general strike followed by massive protests at the beginning of 2024 defeated Milei’s first major austerity omnibus bill shortly after he took power. Without continued mobilization, significant portions ended up being passed later, but since then the ATE, the country’s largest public sector union, has staged several large strikes against layoffs and for higher wages in the face of inflation. If Shawn Fain’s call for a 2028 general strike comes to fruition, it will take place in the final year of Trump’s presidency. While much will happen between now and then, this could certainly be an important flashpoint.
142. The right-wing attacks on LGBTQ people, immigrants, and other oppressed groups in the coming months and years will also pose a serious test for the labor movement. If any section of the working class is left undefended, the right wing will viciously exploit this weakness in the labor movement to score victories against the entire class. Failure to meet the coming attacks with united working-class action will critically undermine the foundation of solidarity that will be necessary to win victories in the coming period, much less continue the effort of rebuilding a militant labor movement to reverse decades of retreat.
International Developments and War
143. There are currently 56 military conflicts taking place worldwide, the most since World War II. Over the next four years it is very likely this number climbs further as capitalist crises intensify and the main imperialist powers increasingly seek to use every conflict, big and small, to take steps forward in the wider inter-imperialist bloc power struggle and set back the opposing bloc.
144. The millions-strong international protest movement against the genocidal war in Gaza was the largest international mass movement in years, and shows the potential for high-profile and brutal wars to bring ordinary people into the streets. Through this conflict, and very much accelerated as a result of the mass protest movement, the deeply reactionary nature of US imperialist foreign policy was further clarified in the minds of tens of millions of ordinary people. Even though the protests have subsided for now, this gain in consciousness has not receded and can contribute to further struggle around this and other conflicts.
145. A new flaring up especially of Israel’s offensive in the Middle East (which, despite the recent ceasefire agreement, is still entirely possible), but also an escalation in Ukraine, as well as horrific conflict in any number of arenas could spark a reemergence of anti-war protests in the US. How the labor movement orients to, on the one hand the coming tidal wave of nationalist propaganda, and on the other the developing anti-war movement, will be an increasingly important and debated question which Marxists have a key role to play in.
146. US officials have repeatedly warned of a Chinese invasion in Taiwan by 2027. While that specific action is unlikely within this timeframe, escalations in the Western Pacific over the next few years are inevitable. Trump will pick up where he left off in the final year of his first term, when he used the coronavirus to whip up anti-Chinese racism which led to a sharp rise in anti-Asian hate crimes, to stoke further such divisions which at a certain point could also spur protests.
Anti-Black Racism
147. The wave of mass texts sent to Black people all over the country in the days following the election calling them slaves and telling them to report to the plantation is a nasty taste of what an emboldened far right means. Children as young as middle schoolers received these texts, and some even included the name of their school, revealing the depth of the data breach. As we commented in our 2023 National Convention US Perspectives document, due to its unique historical legacy and centrality to US capitalism, “The fight for Black freedom is the most explosive issue of oppression in US society.” Though active struggle against institutional racism has been largely absent since the defeat of BLM almost five years ago, it can certainly come back under Trump.
148. Racist police brutality, right-wing vigilante hate crimes whether violent or nonviolent like the mass texts, labor struggle (especially in the public sector unions), or other issues could all spark a reemergence of the Black freedom struggle. The Trump regime will have a propensity to crack down hard including, if struggle is widespread and militant enough, activating the military, which would only serve to pour gasoline on the fire. Anti-racist struggle carried out on a strong class basis could also help to win back a section of, in particular, Black men who have become supporters of Trump and fallen victim to various right-wing ideas.
Feminist, Youth, Climate and Other Arenas of Struggle
149. Women have played a disproportionate role in many struggles of the last decade, both in the US and internationally. The overturn of Roe v. Wade, without a significant fight, was a historic and demoralizing defeat for tens of millions of women and the working class, and has set back feminist struggle in the US. Conservative organizations like the Heritage Foundation are pushing for Trump to revive the Comstock Act, an 1873 law that banned the mailing of drugs used for abortion, which would bring the country much closer to a total national abortion ban. Ken Paxton, the Texas Attorney General, has already initiated a lawsuit that will test the “shield laws” which have allowed medical providers in Democratic-controlled states to prescribe and mail abortion pills to women in states with abortion bans. If this case rules against the providers, or if Trump shows serious signs of reviving the Comstock Act, would very likely spark protests. While it’s unlikely Trump himself will pursue serious further attacks on abortion rights given pro-choice attitudes among a sizable section of his base, Mifepristone could still be targeted again in the courts and nothing should be fully ruled out.
150. In addition to further attacks on abortion rights, anger at the reactionary manosphere could reach a boiling point and also lead to protests at some stage. This would draw out young women and LGBTQ people in particular who often bear the brunt of the growing influence of misogynistic ideas among young men and boys. If more serious struggle breaks out against Trump around any number of issues, young people will almost certainly be at the forefront, but polarization and the gender divide will remain a real feature. Other arenas for struggle could be around gun violence, which will continue to be a gruesome feature of US society and was a flashpoint for struggle for a brief period under Trump’s first term.
151. Trump 2.0 is going to declare war on anti-climate change measures, pushing for an “all of the above” energy policy, an approach that nominally accepts renewable energy but places a clear emphasis on oil and natural gas. Trump’s nickname for oil, “liquid gold,” says it all and his “drill, drill, drill” policy will accelerate human-caused climate change. Natural disasters will continue to occur with more frequency and more devastating consequences, and at some point this is going to lead to a more collective outpouring of anger and desperation. The redevelopment of the climate movement would be an extremely important development, and would provide socialists with an especially big opening given how obvious it is to millions of people that capitalism is the problem.
152. It’s impossible to list every possible attack or issue around which struggle could break out, and while the above are those which may be more likely, this section is by no means an exhaustive list. As always, we will need to anticipate events as best we can, while staying on our toes, ready to intervene in any struggle which breaks out.
Democratic Party and Objective Space for a New Party
153. After Trump’s victory in 2016, the Democrats intervened swiftly and decisively to co-opt the anti-Trump mood and movement with their #Resistance. Across the country, Democratic elected officials were headline speakers at the Women’s Marches, which were originally a thoroughly grassroots initiative, and a week later thoroughly corporate Democrats took part in airport occupations against the Muslim Ban. Boston’s corporate Democrat Mayor Marty Walsh even offered up City Hall as a sanctuary shelter for immigrants facing deportation. Under pressure from their base and the rising Berniecrat wing of their own party, they pretended to back the mass movement, biding time until protests died down at which point they could channel the anger into safer channels like the midterm elections.
154. The Democrats today do not face the same pressure from below, and Bernie and the Squad don’t represent an actual threat forcing them to feign left. Not to mention the fact that the Democratic Party is genuinely less opposed to significant portions of Trump’s agenda than they were eight years ago. Therefore we will largely not see the same type of response. In fact, rather than tacking left, the dominant takeaway from this election among the tops of the Democratic Party is that they need to move even further right, especially on issues like immigration and trans rights. The Democratic Party’s complete lack of response to Republican congresswoman Nancy Mace’s anti-trans bathroom bill has already put this on full display.
155. In much of the 2000s our call for a new party was essentially entirely propagandistic, in the sense that there was no even potentially viable path to a new party in the near term. Bernie Sanders’ campaign in 2015/16 changed that. With the rise of Sanders, the Squad, and DSA, the question of a new left or working-class party became a concrete, here-and-now question in the minds of several million people. With the capitulation and collapse of these forces, however, alongside the moving to the right of important figures in the labor movement like Sara Nelson, there is again no clearly illuminated path to a new party right now. The move to the right by US reformism since 2020 has been relatively uniform, with no leading elements standing out with a more differentiated, combative position which we can reliably make appeals to and place demands on (with the possible and occasional exception of Shawn Fain).
156. Therefore, our call for a new party today is back to being largely more clearly propagandistic. This does not whatsoever diminish the importance of this part of our program, but rather clarifies that it will not be seen as actually viable in the short term by nearly as many people as in the latter half of the last decade. Sanders’ initial post-election statement, while still resonating with many people, was more the dying breath of yesterday than the beginning of a reemergence, and is unlikely to go anywhere.
157. Historically we’ve said that Democrats being in power is the most favorable terrain for openness to a new party. When they’re in power, blaming all of society’s problems on the Republicans and playing the lesser evil card becomes a lot harder for the Democrats. But old truisms don’t always remain true. The Democrats are going to be an utterly spineless opposition to Trump 2.0, and despite the setbacks in consciousness that have taken place, it is possible that deeper frustration could develop around this, especially depending on the scale, type, and severity of Trump’s attacks. This could lead to a bigger openness to the idea of a new party under Trump than under Biden, flowing from the need to mount an actually effective opposition to Trump and the right. However, this is far from an automatic process.
158. But while this could potentially lead to an increased mood for a new party on the left among a wider advanced layer, the question of leadership would still need to be resolved. It is possible that struggle provoked by Trump’s attacks can lead to the development of new organizations and leaders who see the need to build a working-class, left alternative to both parties. It’s also possible for international developments to have a positive influence, for example if Corbyn in Britain and those around him in the Independent Alliance actually take steps to form a new left party, or if Melenchon and La France Insoumise’s momentum escalates. While far from guaranteed, developments like this can have a positive effect on figures like Shawn Fain, and also give rise to new figures and forces inspired to play a similar role here.
Class Unity, Not Concessions to the Right
159. Under pressure from the ruling class’s rightward shift and ideological offensive which is having success among a section of the working class, a very dangerous trend is growing on the left internationally: left individuals or forces incorporating right-wing ideas and talking points under the guise of populism. It is a thoroughly opportunistic and unprincipled, though in some cases also unconscious, response to the ruling class’ right-wing offensive and its effects on the working class.
160. Internationally this has been exemplified by figures like Sahra Wagenknecht in Germany, a former leader of Die Linke (the Left Party) who led a split in 2023 to form a new party that emphasizes economic populism and is against German militarism, but is also for a more restrictive immigration policy and criticizes the left for obsessing over “bizarre minorities.” Wagenknecht’s party got 6.2% in the recent European election compared to Die Linke’s (the Left Party) 2.7%. In the UK the trend is embodied by George Galloway and his Workers’ Party of Britain, centering in his campaign opposition to Israel’s war in Gaza but also being outwardly anti-trans and anti-migrant. The Socialist Party of England and Wales (CWI section) supported him. In the US, this trend was first exemplified in recent times by Glenn Greenwald and Jimmy Dore, the latter of whom helped to organize the “Rage Against the War Machine” rally against the war in Ukraine in 2022 alongside Ron Paul and other right-wing figures, calling explicitly for a “left-right alliance” against the war.
161. The support for Dan Osborne, a longtime union mechanic and BCTGM local president during the Kellogg’s Striketober strike, for his independent Senate run in Nebraska from sections of the left in DSA and figures like Bhaskar Sunkara, is another example. Osborne’s platform was a mix of vague populist demands, some of which could certainly be described as left but others calling for a more secure border, increased funding for cops, and to stop those “seeking to drive an ideological agenda through the schools,” a vague but obvious reference to being against LGBTQ rights.
162. In a TV ad toward the end of his campaign, responding to attacks from his Republican opponent for being secretly a Democrat, Osborne says “People are tired of a corrupt Washington controlled by corporations and billionaires” and then 10 seconds later, “I’m where President Trump is on corruption, China, and the border. If Trump needs help building the wall, well, I’m pretty handy.” After the election, Bernie Sanders told The Nation Osborne ran an “extraordinary campaign” and that “what Dan Osborn did should be looked at as a model for the future.” Sunkara and a Teamsters staffer wrote a joint op-ed for The Guardian saying essentially the same.
163. Since narrowly losing, Osborne has set up a PAC called the Working Class Heroes Fund to help “working class candidates” (Democrats, Republicans, or independents) run in elections, and which would presumably push the false approach outlined in his campaign. It is not ruled out that this effort could pick up some momentum in the leadup to the 2026 midterms, which will further confuse consciousness. Flowing directly from the demoralization and desperation that exists among millions of left-leaning workers and youth, these ideas can gain more of an echo in the coming period and become an important subject of debate among the left, which we would need to take part in.
164. This trend can also manifest in a less blatant form than the above, not as left forces and figures explicitly taking up right-wing talking points themselves, but opportunistically downplaying or deemphasizing their opposition to the right and right-wing ideas out of a desire to not alienate workers who have illusions in them. In particular, this is beginning to affect a section of labor leaders, led in fact by those whom we have characterized as being part of the left bureaucracy. Sean O’Brien’s speech at the RNC is the most obvious example, but Shawn Fain is also falling victim to these pressures as well. Direct criticism of Trump and his agenda is glaringly absent from Fain’s post-election statement. He says the UAW’s mission remains the same as it was before the election, as do the threats its members face: corporate greed. While of course in some ways true, it is also completely out of touch to say that women, immigrants, trans people, the environment, and indeed the working class as a whole do not face unique threats under Trump 2.0. With O’Brien’s opportunistic tack to the right and toward Trump, he should no longer be considered part of the left labor bureaucracy, and it remains to be seen how other figures in the left bureaucracy develop under Trump 2.0.
165. Both the Teamsters’ non-endorsement in the election and Fain’s post-election statement hide behind broadly correct, but totally vague criticisms of “both parties,” in order to avoid making direct criticism of Trump. While we are sympathetic to the anti-politics and anti-party mood that can exist among many working-class people, we should not hold back criticisms of union leaders who attempt to posture as “anti-politician” in order to keep their options open for backroom deals, like O’Brien has clearly been doing. Some on the left – we see this for instance with Workers Strike Back – are so fixated on attacking the Democrats that they are hesitant to focus too much ire on Trump and the Republicans for fear of being conflated with the Democrats. This is a major and dangerous ultra-left mistake. As we constantly argue, opposing Trump and the Republicans does not mean you have to support the Democrats, and in fact to actually oppose the right effectively means actively breaking with the Democratic Party. The key is connecting the two.
166. In essence, this trend amounts to a new form of opportunism fit for the new era. Its pressures will be exerted on and can impact our own organization and members too, and this needs to be consciously discussed and resisted. We firmly reject any idea that the left can take a single step forward by incorporating right-wing ideas.
167. At the same time, we reject with equal fervor the idea that everybody who possesses right-wing ideas at any given moment is permanently lost to the workers’ movement and the left, and we ardently defend the use of struggle and a united working-class program to win them away from the right. This will be particularly important in our work in the labor movement. Liberal talking points that paint entire sections of the population of Republican-led states as irremediable or stupid need to be strongly opposed. Marxists are unique in our unyielding confidence in the working class to struggle and in the ability of struggle to cut across division and backward ideas, and lead to leaps forward in consciousness. One of the most central tasks for the left in this period will be to chart a path forward for an independent, working class position and political force that effectively fights the right without giving an ounce of cover to bourgeois or petty-bourgeois liberalism.
Conclusion: A Marxist Program for Fighting Trump
168. The US left, within the labor movement, social struggle, and electoral arena, and from reformist forces to the plethora of self-styled revolutionary organizations, is extremely weak. This cannot be separated from the international context of a left which globally has by and large failed to live up to the tasks demanded by this period. In addition to a crisis of leadership, the workers movement faces its own polycrisis of consciousness, organization, and traditions of struggle. As the World Perspectives document states, “It is only on the basis of a clear understanding of perspectives and the development of the necessary programme, that a foundation for overcoming this crisis of the left can be laid. This is our most central task.”
169. The weaknesses of the left and the wider workers movement can only be overcome through the experience of struggle over time and strengthened, particularly at key moments, with the conscious political intervention of Marxists. As we have said, while the exact timing, scale and around which issues it takes place first cannot be predetermined, struggle is inevitable under Trump’s second term, and socialists will have an important role to play. Flowing from our general perspectives outlined above, it is necessary to spell out the broad outlines of our program for fighting Trump and the right. There are many significantly more detailed and specific components that could be added to a longer text, but below are the key elements for initial discussion and which should be further developed over time and through experience.
An Injury to One is an Injury to All
170. We firmly oppose all attacks on the working class, poor people, and oppressed groups in society – from anti-immigrant and anti-trans attacks, to racism, sexism, cuts to vital services, layoffs, and attacks on unions. The left should make no concessions to right-wing attacks in the interest of “common ground” with right populism. All issues in society should be polarized along class lines, and any attempt to pit one section of the working class against another, no matter how small in size, must be opposed in the interest of achieving the widest possible unity of the working class against Trump, the ruling class, and capitalism. Though in a less acute way than when it was originally written, the Holocaust-era poem, First They Came, bears real relevance to the need for the widest possible solidarity against right-wing attacks today.
A Mass Movement and Working Class Action Is Needed
171. While small protests can be an important jumping off point, a mass movement will be needed to really challenge Trump, and working class action on a mass scale will be needed to decisively defeat him. Waiting for the 2026 midterms or the 2028 presidential election is not a solution, nor are isolated direct actions that are disconnected from mobilizing a wider movement, or individual acts of violence which only serve to strengthen the repressive apparatuses of the state and encourage proxy consciousness among the masses.
172. Mass protests are key, but it will also be necessary to go beyond big demonstrations alone. Business as usual needs to be disrupted and shut down, which can come in the form of tactics such as student walkouts, mass occupations, sit-down protests to block deportations, and most importantly workplace actions like slowdowns, sickouts, walkouts, and strikes. As the most organized section of the working class, the unions must play a leading role, not just with regard to their specific contracts but in all fights that affect the wider working class and especially oppressed groups. Any attack stopped or victory achieved needs to be built on to further escalate the struggle. Mass struggle against any singular attack or aspect of Trump’s agenda must always be linked to a wider program against Trump, the right, both corporate parties, and the capitalist system as a whole.
Opposition to All Imperialism
173. In this new era defined by the increasing dominance of the inter-imperialist bloc conflict in all global and national relations, the needs of US imperialism in the world arena will be inseparable from the policies of Trump 2.0 at home. We are opposed to the meddling of US imperialism in conflicts abroad, the existence of NATO as an imperialist alliance, and all imperialist war and conflict wherever it takes place, as it is never in the interest of working people of any country. There is no “lesser evil” of imperialism globally, and the capitalist and imperialist China-led bloc offers no alternative solution to the problems faced by ordinary people worldwide. The US military budget should be drastically slashed and reallocated to fund socially useful programs like education, universal free healthcare, affordable housing, and social services. In the modern era you cannot have capitalism without imperialism, so fighting against imperialist wars means fighting the global capitalist system itself.
The Democrats Can’t Stop Trumpism: Build a New Party and Split Trump’s Base
174. The Democrats have shown time and time again that they are incapable of stopping the rise of Trumpism. Even when they have managed to defeat Trump and his ilk in one-off elections, the Democrats in power are unwilling and incapable of removing the root conditions that allow for the growth of right populism and the far right: primarily discontent with the status quo by ordinary people. This is fundamentally because the Democrats are a capitalist party through and through and are therefore incapable of meeting the needs of working people. The best recruiter to right populism over the last decade has been the fake progressivism and broken promises of corporate Democrats. When the left offers no alternative, the right has free reign to make gains and grow.
175. Unions, labor leaders, and left-wing organizations need to break from both capitalist parties and begin the project of forming a new, anti-war working class party. This should start with the unions running independent candidates against both parties in the coming years with wide-ranging working class programs that clearly differentiate from both the Democrats and Republicans, and that fights for the rights of every oppressed group on a principled basis. Only through the building of a left alternative with such a program that is unequivocally on the side of all working people, as opposed to the billionaires, will it be possible to decisively split Trump’s base and peel away a large section of the tens of millions of ordinary people who are not yet fully hardened in right-wing politics. A new party should have democratic structures, clear mechanisms for accountability of leaders, and take no corporate cash. It should not just limit itself to the electoral arena, but also serve as a jumping off point for organizing and building movements in the streets and workplace struggle. Ultimately, such a party would need to adopt a socialist program to decisively end capitalism which is necessary to defeat the right and far right forever.
No More Trumps: End Capitalism with Socialist Revolution
176. Trump is the embodiment of every vile component of capitalism’s nature; he is a racist, sexist, pro-war, greedy, exploitative union-busting billionaire. But no matter how much the liberal establishment fixates on Trump’s personality – undoubtedly vile as it is – the rise of Trumpism is a systemic problem and therefore demands a systemic solution. Defeating Trump without ending the system which spawned him will only lead to different and even worse individuals fulfilling the same role down the road. We are for the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism internationally by the working class of all countries, and the transformation of society along socialist lines, organized based on the needs of ordinary people, not corporations. This is why, while doing everything we can to build the wider anti-Trump movement, we also simultaneously build the revolutionary socialist movement and Socialist Alternative.