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The Traditional Workers' Parties: Their Future and Our Tactics
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These processes have inevitably affected all aspects of both world relations and the class struggle. To ensure that the International is equipped to intervene in this new and stormy period, we must firmly defend the fundamental methods of Marxism. At the same time we must ensure that we do not allow ourselves simply to repeat rigidly previous perspectives in a changed situation. The same applies in regard to our tactics.
Our perspectives for the traditional workers' parties and emphasis on work within them was, for a whole historical period, one of the hallmarks of the International. The strategy and tactics we have adopted towards them was correct and followed from our analysis at that stage.
Trotsky's presentation of entrism in the 1930s was as a bold and audacious tactical step which corresponded to the situation which corresponded to the situation which then existed. We added to and developed the idea of entrism in the new situation which opened up after the Second World War. This work provided us with great opportunities. However, especially when applied for such a long period, the danger clearly existed of our application of entrism becoming a fetish in a changed situation. It is precisely this we must now guard against in the new situation which is developing.
At the same time in this unfolding discussion on tactics, we must also be conscious of the dangers of sectarianism and ultra-leftism. In general, for the mass of the proletariat, illusions in left reformism and centrism will be an inevitable stage in the process of reaching revolutionary conclusions. This process will not only be reflected in support for these ideas but also organizationally. It is still the most likely perspective that the main political vehicle for the mass movement of the proletariat will be the established traditional parties in many countries. But this, however, is not the only perspective which exists. Left reformist or centrist currents and parties can be created by the transformation of existing organizations, splits, or, especially in the neo-colonial and ex-Stalinist countries, the creation of new organizations. The actual organizational form which future developments will take is not certain and we must be alive to new situations as they open up.
The World Congress recognizes the important changes and developments which have already taken place. For some of our sections this has posed the need for new or modified perspectives and tactics, especially in relation to the traditional parties.
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A Changed Situation
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A failure by sections to grasp the changed situation which is opening up in some countries can result in them being imprisoned in a straightjacket of tactics which corresponded to a previous period. It would mean that a previously correct tactic, which yielded very impressive results, had become transformed into an obstacle to the further development of the revolutionary movement.
The World Congress does not accept that this is part of any "hidden agenda", as claimed by the former minority. It is part of a discussion on the correct tactics to be employed in a constantly changing situation. The tactics applies by every section must be based upon the strategic requirements and concrete situation which exist in each country. Important processes are common to many countries, especially in Western Europe, in relation to the traditional parties. These processes have not however been confined to Western Europe. Whilst very important differences exist in the situation, many of the features of the new conditions in relation to the traditional parties can also be found in the former colonial world. This applies both in relation to the "populist" bourgeois formations and the proletarian parties where we have conducted work. Recently, in many countries there has clearly been an undermining of the traditional parties' authority. The leadership has swung further to the right. In general they have embraced the bourgeoisie to a greater extent than before. This has flowed from the collapse of the old Stalinist regimes and the continuation of the boom up until the early 1990s. In addition the old left reformists within the parties have all but collapsed as these processes have unfolded. Consequently there has been an emptying out of the majority of the social democratic parties. In countries like Sweden and the western area of Germany, where the social democracy still has quite a high membership, it is in the main older, undertaking little or no activity, and has been unable to recruit many fresh layers. | |
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The Effects of the Boom
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To these recent processes we should add the protracted nature of boom and upswing in the post Second World War period. The fact that these organizations have been in existence for decades, and in some countries in government for as long, has meant, when coupled with recent developments, that they have increasingly been seen by a newer generation as part of "the establishment". In the minds of important layers the traditional parties are no longer associated with "reforming" governments. To a greater extent than ever the "reformists" have become the vehicle of counter-reforms and consequently in opposition to big layers of the proletariat. They are even hated by a layer of the most combative elements, especially the youth.
As a general rule, given these conditions, the perspective is that it is not likely that there will be a movement of workers into the traditional parties in the short to medium term period. Even in Ireland, where the Labour Party achieved in 1992 its highest ever vote, a movement into that party is not a likely perspective. Its program in government and its entry into the coalition with the bourgeois FF us likely to bring it into collision with important sections of workers quite rapidly. Support for the social democracy can represent different processes at different stages. In Sweden, despite the recent increase in the opinion polls for the Social Democrats (up to about 50%), its support is not comparable with the political basis it conquered in the postwar period. The recent increase in its support is accompanied by a very critical attitude towards the leadership by important layers. There is also no influx into the party. This has been a general feature of the situation in Europe where the social democracy has been able to increase its support in either elections or the opinion polls. | |
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Crisis in the Traditional Organizations
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Moreover, in some countries the upheavals in society are pushing the process even further. Already important left splits have taken place in Italy and New Zealand. In other countries, such as Spain or France, the potential for such a development is clearly posed. This is a more likely perspective which will increasingly be posed during this decade. How far the process goes will clearly be different in different countries. It will however pose the need for our sections to be ready to review their tactics as such conditions mature.
It would of course be a mistake for every section mechanically to pose such a development as a certainty, irrespective of the concrete situation which exists. We must guard against going too far ahead of this process where it is still in its very early stages. For example, by prematurely and in an ultra-left manner, raising slogans demanding the formation of new parties. But when a left split does take place the attitude and tactics we adopt towards it is a different question and depends on its support and composition. At the same time developments in Italy around the RC, which secured 6% and in some regions up to 10% of the vote in recent elections, is a pointer as to how the process can unfold. It is possible that the PDS could again split, with its "leftwing" joining forces with the RC, and possibly establishing itself as a new force, to become the main workers' party. The PSI, riddled with recent corruption scandals, faces the prospect of virtual extinction at the next election. The class basis of the traditional parties always assumed a twofold character with both bourgeois and proletarian elements within them. We would make a mistake to approach the class basis of a party as being set in stone forever. Already previous rightwing split-offs, like the Italian PSDI and Japanese DSP, have become completely bourgeois parties. Under certain conditions the process can, of course, go in the other direction, with workers deserting a party, leaving the parliamentary rump as a pro-bourgeois formation, as the Italian PSI is in the process of becoming. | |
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The French SP
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Nevertheless, the example of the French SP shows that what is decisive in determining the class nature of the traditional parties of the workers' movement is not the fact that they have a bourgeois program, nor that they have participated in bourgeois governments, nor even the intentions of their leaders. What is decisive is all the links between these parties and the working class, links which are rooted in history and in the class struggle and which are difficult to break. Thus, what we see today is neither the breakup of the SP nor its transformation into a classical bourgeois party, but its reconstruction as a reformist workers' party. While remaining a defender of the capitalist order and being ready to ally with bourgeois forces, the SP continues to present itself as a social-democratic alternative to the Right and seeks to re-conquer its popular electorate.
The possibility of the appearance of a new reformist party coming from the Citizen's Movement of the Chevenement and from the most social-democratic wing of the French CP no longer seems to be on the agenda. In the medium term, however, the creation of a left reformist party in France should not be excluded. In Spain, similar developments could unfold around the PSOE, with a rupture, resulting in some new workers' formation possibly emerging from the UGT and/or the IU. Even in Scandinavia, with its especially disciplined traditions in the labor movement, similar developments are in the process of beginning to unfold. The Norwegian Labor Party faces the prospect of a collapse in its support and is currently attracting only 25% in the opinion polls. Mass defections have taken place to the Socialist Left which is currently winning the support of up to 20%. Even in Sweden the outlines of such a development can be seen, although they are unlikely to develop after the 1994 general election. | |
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The Process in New Zealand
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| This process, at this stage, appears to have gone the furthest in New Zealand where the New Labour Party has made important headway. In recent opinion polls the electoral alliance which the party is in has up to 40% support. More significantly 20 out of 26 trade unions have now voted to disaffiliate from the old Labour Party. They have not affiliated to the NLP because its leadership does not want them to. There exists a real possibility that the NLP could replace Labour as the main workers' party. Such a development is not excluded in some other countries. | |
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Splits to the Left
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This process may not go so far in other countries, at least in the short term. Left splits could emerge and exist side by side with the established formations for a period and even then merge back with the old established formations. In any event such developments will pose the need for us to be open to make sharp and rapid tactical turns to reach the most advanced and combative workers and youth who can be drawn behind such new formations.
Whilst such left splits are likely to be posed as a central part of our perspectives in many countries, in others they can be delayed or may not develop for various and diverse factors. It is, for example, not the most likely perspective in Greece at this stage. | |
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The Question of Open Work
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One factor which may delay the development of new formations or splits is the extent to which the left reformists, or former left reformists, have capitulated or disappeared. The particular traditions in each country, along with the rhythm and intensity of the class struggle and, where we have the strength, our own role are other factors which can affect the speed and degree to which these processes unfold.
Under certain conditions (amongst others: a swing to the right by the leadership of the traditional parties, the emptying out of the membership, and no immediate perspective of a movement into the party) the prospect of a section, where we have sufficient forces, undertaking a period of open and independent work is posed. The absence of, or a delay in the development of, a left split is a further factor which may pose the need for such a change in tactics. The British, Irish and Swedish sections have decided to launch the tendency as an open organization. | |
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Reach Out to the Youth
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In such situations a turn of this character gives us the opportunity to reach the most combative and militant sections of the proletariat and youth who are preparing to move into struggle and looking for an alternative. An open turn is more than simply conducting independent work under out own banner, something most sections have already done for some time. It means giving our own organization an open character, to the whole range of activities from recruitment, branch meetings, public meetings, intervention in mass movements, election campaigns, etc.
It is necessary that the International maintains a sense of proportion, but it would be a mistake to underestimate what could be achieved by making an open turn of this character in the correct circumstances. The work which has already been undertaken in Scotland has fully vindicated the correctness of this step. Given the vacuum which exists and the revulsion towards the Labour leaders, we can make further important gains and establish a potentially decisive base amongst layers of the proletariat. The World Congress instructs the IS to prepare a report of the experience of those sections where open work has been undertaken or is being discussed, or where we have acquired important lessons from our work both inside and outside the traditional parties. The launching of an open organization is posing some sections with very concrete questions, the experience of which will be a benefit to the whole International. For example, how the tendency is presented in relation to the question of a "party", or the problems encountered in maintaining the principles of democratic centralism, but explaining them in a publicly accessible form, in light of the effects of the collapse of Stalinism. The overcoming of these difficulties should be discussed and the collective experience shared in every section. | |
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On Contesting Elections
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The World Congress recognizes that the launching of an open organization is not primarily a question of contesting elections. Even before the launch of an open organization by any section in some countries we had contested elections. This was done both under the banner of the party we were working in, and in some cases by standing independently. In the main this resulted in very successful campaigns and assisted the development of our work.
The World Congress notes that although election work is not the only or even the main aspect of work flowing from an open turn. It is nevertheless an important aspect and must be approached correctly. We have contested elections in some sections and scored spectacular results. Britain, Ireland (both North and South), Sweden and Greece have not only seen our candidates receiving an impressive vote, but in some cases they have also been elected. In a number of countries, particularly Scotland and Sweden, we have had very impressive election results. The IEC recognizes however that the obtaining of such election victories is not the only measure of success for the launching of an open organization. We must also take into account out growth, the roots we are able to establish and the general impact we make as a result of this work. Other sections which may take this step in the future may not achieve such impressive election victories. | |
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The Tactic in the Neo-Colonial World
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Without applying the launching of an open organization in exactly the same way, even some of the smaller sections, given the vacuum which exists, can make important gains in the next period if we present the tendency in a sufficiently open and independent manner. This is especially the case in countries, especially the neo-colonial nations, where there are no traditional workers' parties or bourgeois parties having working class support.
The neo-colonial countries have also seen important developments in relation to the traditional organizations, where they exist. From some of the bourgeois formations, in a very confused way, the varying class interests contained within them have suffered convulsions and resulted in either splits or brought to the surface the outline of future possible splits. In Argentina, the Peronists have had splits around the main trade union confederation, the CGT, although because of the character of the leadership of those involved these have not developed onto a mass or semi-mass scale. More recently in South Africa the outline of a possible future division within the ANC has been seen as it prepares to go into coalition government. The formation of the PRD in Mexico, which arose from a split in the PRI, gives another indication that in the former colonial world there is the likely perspective of the formation of new groupings and parties. The prospects for the development of the sections in the near future flows from an understanding of the nature of the period we have now entered. A central ingredient to this is the attitude of the most advanced workers and youth towards the traditional parties. Another vital element is a correct appraisal of how the movement of the proletariat is likely to evolve over the next period. In particular it is essential that each section has a correct appraisal of the effects of the recent period on the outlook of the proletariat, especially the fresher and newer layers who have recently begun to move into struggle in Western Europe, the USA and Australia. The World Congress recognizes the developments towards a Labor Party in the USA in the recent period. While the perspectives remain conditional as to the exact timing, the unprecedented, in recent years, class polarization in US society during the passing of NAFTA, indicates that events may unfold quickly. Two national unions and two Central Labor Councils have recently moved behind the campaign for the formation of a Labor Party. The enormous world impact of such an event for US and world perspectives, as well as the effects on the traditional organizations of the working class internationally, should not be underestimated. | |
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The Effects of the Collapse of Stalinism
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We should not underestimate the consequences of the collapse of Stalinism and the development of the boom until 1992 on the older and previously more active layers. These processes tended to disorientate and even demoralize this layer. In the ex-colonial world these events had an even more pronounced effect.
Whilst it is necessary to recognize the importance of the consequences of the collapse of Stalinism and continuation of the boom until the recent period, it would be incorrect to imagine that these processes alone will dominate events in the short to medium term. The situation has developed with the onset of recession and the first stages of important movements of the proletariat. In particular we must not underestimate the conclusions that big layers of the proletariat will draw, once they enter the arena of struggle. During this process, given the vacuum which has opened up, our own limited forces can have an important, and in some countries even a decisive effect. We must emphasize that the proletariat is mainly driven into the arena of struggle as a consequence of its material conditions and not predominantly as a consequence of "ideological" considerations. It is precisely the change in the economic situation in the capitalist world, following the collapse in the former Stalinist states, which has now ushered in major upheavals and struggles in the USA, Germany, Sweden, Greece, Australia and other countries. As economies moved into recession some of these struggles have assumed a defensive character. A deepening of the recession can result in very bitter defensive battles opening up. From these important political conclusions can be drawn by big layers of the working class. Recent developments in Victoria, Australia, are a pointer to the possibility which exists, with the calling of a 24-hour general strike and even the possibility of an indefinite general strike being posed in the situation. | |
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The Freshness of the New Layers
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It has been a striking feature that the new layers which have entered these struggles have not carried with them the dead weight of the effects of the collapse of Stalinism. They have been moved by opposition to capitalism and are very receptive to the explanation of an alternative. This more open attitude of a new fresh layer has occurred at the start of these events.
Precisely during the experience of these struggles, even without the intervention of a conscious Marxist force, socialistic conclusions can be drawn. The significance of such developments should not be lost even if during the first stages of this development the crown of "Socialism" or "Marxism" has not been explicitly donned. | |
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A Contradictory Development
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The upheavals which are pending will inevitably be very contradictory with different layers drawing different conclusions at different stages. As we have explained in other material any process of radicalization can go side by side with manifestations of reaction, such as racism, etc.
It is against this backdrop that we must place our discussions on tactics and the traditional organizations. In the process we must take into account the different layers of the proletariat which exist. In particular we must also unsure we are clear, at each stage, which layers we are aiming at. The International, in approaching this discussion in a new situation, must beware of the danger of any tendency towards ultra-leftism or sectarianism. Such a danger exists and we must guard against it. Such sectarianism can have a number of manifestations: to ignore developments inside the currently established traditional parties and underestimate the possibility for them to be reconstructed at a certain stage; to adopt a sectarian political approach to these organizations and especially to those layers of workers who may be drawn around them; to underestimate the prospects for the development of support for the ideas of left reformism and, later, centrism amongst the proletariat. We must avoid any tendency to base our analysis on electoral results and close our eyes to the possibility in some countries that the traditional parties will still prove to be the main vehicle through which the proletariat will move. Despite the recent trends this still remains, for example, the most likely perspective in Britain, although it is not the only possibility. | |
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The Role of Left Reformism
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Despite recent developments it is still the case that the mass of workers will have to pass through the school of left reformism/centrism before being drawn behind the banner of Marxism. Big illusions can and will develop in those workers' leaders who reflect this process. The fact that it may not be directed at this stage through the already established traditional parties does not mean that it will not get an important basis amongst the proletariat. In some countries it will find a concrete expression through the establishment of new formations. However this perspective does not exclude the possibility that a minority of the proletariat will move more directly towards revolutionary conclusions.
The formation of new parties is not a new development historically and did take place, for example, with the birth of PASOK in Greece in 1974 and the PT in Brazil between 1978/80. In both these countries, this flowed from a decline in the authority and influence of the CP's due to the betrayals of Stalinism and the demand for an alternative by the proletariat, especially the newer, younger sections. A similar process can emerge in some countries where the CP has no real support or influence. Those left splits which have already developed have assumed a contradictory character. In New Zealand, it cannot be described at this stage even as a left reformist party. In part this has been due to the fact that its leadership has been affected by the events of the late 1980s and early 1990s. This does not mean, however, that the movements will not move in a left reformist and even centrist direction at a certain stage. Such a process can develop quite rapidly as important layers of the proletariat move into struggle, and especially when faced with the prospect of a prolonged period of stagnation and recession of capitalism. Other parties, such as the RC in Italy, can adopt a more radical stand in a shorter space of time. | |
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The Possibilities of Mass Recruitment
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Where relevant we must ensure that our sections follow these developments and when necessary make the tactical turn towards entrism or fraction work demanded by the birth of such parties, which can open up important opportunities for our International. It would be a mistake to reduce our tactics to the strengthening of our present sections through individual recruitment. We must seek at all times to do this, but we should also understand that at certain moments it can be possible to win whole currents to the International. This is especially true following left splits from the traditional parties, whose dynamic pushes them at first leftwards. A decisive intervention on our part at the right moment can enable us to win whole currents. From this point of view, the International can play the role of a pole of attraction which can compensate for the weakness of our forces on the spot.
At the same time we should follow developments inside the traditional workers' parties and undertake work in them where opportunities exist. The political orientation towards the traditional parties and those workers who, however critically, may be drawn around them or into them, is essential if any open tactic is to prove successful from a medium and longer term point of view. The experience of our section in Sri Lanka has fully vindicated the importance of this point. | |
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The Indian Sub-Continent
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Because of the change in the situation a number of tactical re-orientations have been necessary in Sri Lanka after our split with the NSSP in 1989. We turned first to a left split from the SLFP, the SLMP; then to a split from it, the BNP; and in the recent period have conducted open work with the name MWT. This has been very successful because our ability to politically orientate to the mass of workers which now follow the banner of the SLFP.
In Pakistan, although we have not had a completely open organization, we have been conducting independent work in the recent period. Under these conditions our political orientation to the PPP has been a vital ingredient to our progress. The work in or around a bourgeois movement like the SLFP or PPP is very different to the work in and around the traditional parties in Western Europe. Important lessons can still be drawn from this experience. | |
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The Decline of the Communist Parties
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One of the features of the recent period has been the decisive developments around the Communist Parties. These developments have illustrated the importance of applying very flexible tactics, especially in relation to short-term faction work.
In some countries they have been all but destroyed. In important countries like France and Greece, where their role was decisive, they have suffered a historical, if not terminal, decline. The importance of the elimination of the obstacle of powerful Stalinist parties in these countries should not be underestimated in the coming period. In Greece this has been reflected in the decline of their influence in the recent youth movement. This was a factor which allowed us to win the leadership of the movement. In Japan, despite the consequences of the collapse of the former Stalinist regimes, the JCP has manages to increase its electoral support, in great part due to the degree of the recent degeneration of the JSP. It would be a mistake to totally disregard the CPs. Even in their death throes it has been possible to make important gains from them. This has been the case in the USA where our intervention into the Committees of Correspondence (a split from the CPUSA) has proved very successful. This has also been repeated in some other countries such as India and the Netherlands. | |
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The Mass Character of Some CPs
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We must pay particular attention to those Western CPs which still have a mass character (the Portuguese, Spanish, French and Greek parties). Although they have been outdistanced everywhere by the social democracy on the electoral level, these parties still have a militant base and a presence in the unions which is quite important. While there is no sign that workers will turn massively towards these parties, they still organize numbers of working class militants, and sometimes youth, which are far from negligible, and whom we must seek to win. In the course of the death agony of these parties, which may last for some time yet, we must at least develop a serious orientation towards these militants, not excluding bolder initiatives if these parties break up and/or experience splits to the left.
More significantly the divisions which are opening up in the SACP, as a result of both national and international developments, have posed the question of a turn to work there. | |
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The Volatile Situation in Eastern Europe
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The collapse of the Stalinist regimes of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union has had particular effects on the Communist Parties of these countries. While in the past being primarily "parties of the bureaucracy" they did have, in some cases, mass membership. In the main their membership has collapsed and in some cases they have splintered. In most ex-Stalinist countries, the bulk of the bureaucracy have gone over to capitalism. Where these parties remain, their leadership has moved to the right to embrace the ideas of the market. This process was fuelled by the abandonment of support for the planned economy by the bureaucracy and the illusions in the market that existed among the proletariat and petit bourgeois. In Eastern Europe these parties have attempted to become models of social democracy based on their Western counterparts' experience.
In some countries, neo-Stalinist formations have remained, sometimes affected by nationalist currents, and relying on older layers for their support and membership. Certain of these formations are explicitly opposed to the restoration of capitalism, but in a perspective of restoring, more or less, the former Stalinist regimes, which seriously limits their ability to become a pole of attraction for workers. | |
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The Effects of Capitalist Restoration
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As the effects of capitalist restoration are felt, these former Communist Parties have increased their electoral support among the proletariat as a protest against the general social collapse that is taking place. This process has gone furthest in Lithuania in the recent presidential elections. In the short to medium term, it is unlikely that these parties will gain mass support in terms of workers moving into them. This is due to their role under Stalinism, and the general disillusionment with official "politicians" that exists among the proletariat as a result of the effect of capitalist restoration. But in the absence of any alternative, in some of the countries these parties can retain an important electoral base for a period.
The confused consciousness which has been one of the main products of the counter-revolution in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union is likely to lead to a volatile situation, with new formations being thrown up and pushed into the background as the working class regains its confidence and desperately attempts to find political solutions to the social devastation it faces. This World Congress recognizes that we now confront a new situation in relation to the traditional workers' organizations. We must ensure that each section prepares accordingly. We must ensure that in confronting this new situation we avoid the pitfalls of sectarianism and ultra-leftism. At the same time we must also ensure we are not left applying tactics which do not correspond to a new situation.
Resolution from the IEC First Draft February 1993 |