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The Congress Reviewed
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The twelve-day Congress was dominated by the fact that we have passed a turning point in world history and entered a new, unstable, era. The Congress summed up our previous discussions on the collapse of Stalinism and the transformed world balance of forces, analyzed current developments and perspectives, and pointed to the necessary political and organizational tasks facing us. Significantly, the issues involved in out 1991 faction fight and 1992 split were only mentioned in passing.
Since 1988 we have seen tremendous developments in our work. At that time only the British and, to a lesser extent, the Spanish section had experience of leading large struggles. Now an increasing number of sections are involved in leading struggles and movements, sometimes of a mass character. This is especially true of our anti-racist and anti-fascist work in Europe, but also for our comrades in many other countries. Our comrades engaged in struggles have sometimes had leading responsibilities and often, despite small numbers, had a large influence. These battles have not only been in the "traditional" trade union and political field, but also on broader issues such as the Poll Tax in Britain and domestic violence.
An unavoidable consequence of this work has been that some comrades have been victims of repression or fascist attack. The Congress sent greetings to those comrades currently imprisoned and expressed its solidarity with those comrades who have been in jail, who are now facing trial, or who have lost their job in the course of the class struggle.
The start of Europe-wide anti-racist work marked a huge step forward for us, especially coming only months after the split. Firstly, the idea of an international movement really caught the imagination of layers of youth, and the 40,000 strong October 1992 demonstration established ourselves as an international tendency. Nationally, this work has allowed more sections to develop real, campaigning youth work and has especially been important in building a periphery for our smaller sections and groups.
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A Truly International Congress
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The past period has seen five sections launch open organizations and begin (or continue) contesting, sometimes with spectacular success, elections under our own banner. This experience was reflected throughout the Congress.
The Congress was marked by its truly international character, with delegates and observers present from 25 countries. These were Australia, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Britain, Canada, Chile, Cyprus, Czech Republic, France, Germany, Greece, India, Ireland (North and South), Italy, Japan, Mexico, Netherlands, Pakistan, Russia, South Africa, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sweden, and the USA. A tremendous special fund-raising campaign among comrades in the advanced capitalist countries ensured that all sections, except Nigeria, and most groups were fully represented at the Congress. Unfortunately, the Nigerian section's two delegates were unable to obtain all the necessary visas and became stranded at the International center. Detailed discussions were held with these Nigerian comrades after the Congress. For other, technical reasons the Israeli, Norwegian, Polish, Turkish and Zimbabwean groups were unable to send representatives. One of the steps forward since the previous, 1988, Congress was the presence of comrades from some of the former Stalinist countries, namely the Czech Republic, Russia and the ex-DDR. The Congress also saw the first participation of our new French section in an international meeting. While the split weakened the International numerically in some areas, it has only been in Argentina, where before the split there was a barely functioning section claiming 20 members, that we have no comrades active today. In Cyprus, Mexico and Spain there are small groups of comrades who are carrying out the pioneering work to build what will be, to all intents and purposes, new sections of the International. Comrades from all these countries were at the Congress. A Number of visitors also attended the Congress. Two were from two groups of Italian youth activists working in the RC, one of which had been formed by an ex-member of our former section. For some time now we have been discussing both with ex-members and new contacts in Italy. From these discussions and the visit to the Congress there are very good possibilities for re-starting our work in Italy. Another visitor was from the LIT (International Workers League), a tendency we have been discussing with since mid-1992. The LIT is a grouping, led by Moreno until his death in 1987, which split from the USFI in 1979-80. Its main bases are in Argentina (1,000 members) and Brazil (1,500), where are our comrades work alongside them in the newly formed PSTU. In the recent period the LIT has internally been involved in an international discussion on perspectives, program and tactics. The Congress was characterized by its open discussion. While there was agreement on all basic issues, there was plenty of debate on various points. Given the fast changing objective situation and the different experiences that our activity is giving us, it is inevitable that new questions keep coming up. This meant that the discussions were not abstract. On a number of subjects there were different views which were debated in an open, concrete and mature way. While some of these issues were resolved at the Congress others will continue to be discussed both internationally and within the sections. | |
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The New Period and What it Means for Our Work
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A brief report like this cannot cover all the points discussed at the Congress but it is necessary to draw attention to some of the meeting's fundamental conclusions and also some of the controversial points.
One of the main underlying themes of the Congress was that while the current economic revival in the USA is continuing, it is at half the rate of previous recoveries and does not represent the start of a new, prolonged upswing. Although there was a discussion with some Swedish comrades who argued that it was not correct to describe the world capitalist economy as having entered a period of depression since 1974, there was no disagreement that now it was in a general period of stagnation. This does not mean that will not be periods of economic growth, but there will not be generalized sustained economic growth throughout the whole world. This is shown even in the advanced capitalist countries in permanent mass unemployment and the capitalists' attacks on past gains won by the workers' movement, a process which in some countries, like Sweden and Finland, has been dramatic. The Congress also discussed in detail the developments and perspectives for the ex-colonial countries. This discussion focused on economic perspectives, the national question and the perspectives for the workers' movement. A feature of these discussions was that now in four countries (Nigeria, Pakistan, South Africa, and Sri Lanka) we have sections which have intervened, with some effect, in events. Because of the scale and diversity of the ex-colonial countries, the Congress split up for one day into four commissions. These went in more detail into the situation in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Middle East. We intend to produce material, based on these commissions, on these different areas in the coming period. | |
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The Class Struggle and the Collapse of Stalinism
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The undermining of the economic basis upon which the post Second World War reforms were based is a decisive change and will ultimately determine all future developments. But, as always, consciousness lags behind the demands of the objective situation and the working class, especially in the advanced capitalist countries, has still to draw all the necessary conclusions from this change.
As the comrades can see from the amendments proposed at the Congress, there was some discussion as to what this new period meant for the class struggle. Comrades discussed to what extent Stalinism's collapse, as well as demoralizing an older layer and pushing the labor leaders further to the right, was actually holding back struggles because workers could not see a viable alternative to capitalism. Recent examples were given showing how workers could begin to draw socialist conclusions from their experiences. But this process is not automatic. The role of the subjective factor is decisive in crystallizing the socialist ideas which arise into a concrete program. In struggles our role is twofold. We show how a determined struggle can win the workers' immediate demands, while explaining that these will only be temporary gains that can only be secured by the overthrow of capitalism. The loss of room for maneuver resulting from the economic situation is reflected in the growing tensions between rival groups of capitalists, both between and within the emerging regional blocs, and the developing protectionist pressures. As the GATT negotiations showed, relations between the capitalist powers will swing between conflict and cooperation and back again. The fact that, at the end of the day, a new GATT agreement was signed does not mean that all inter-imperialist conflicts have been resolved or future ones avoided. The combination of Stalinism's collapse and the 1980s economic boom gave a huge boost to the bourgeoisie's confidence. They unleashed a huge wave of propaganda extolling the successes of the market economy. But now the bourgeois are losing confidence. They unleashed a huge wave of propaganda extolling the successes of the market economy. But now the bourgeois are losing confidence, they realize they are faced with what they call "structural" economic problems, decay in many of their cities, and have a deepening fear of revolt from below combined with no clear idea of what to do next. These are the basic reasons why now so many bourgeois governments, and classes themselves, are openly divided. Internationally the bourgeois have seen their idea of a "new world order" disintegrate into an unstable world disorder. Today there are not only civil wars in Africa, Asia and Latin America but also in Europe and, possibly, one developing on the very border of the USA itself. The fact that capitalism is generally seen to not be doing so well at the moment, that there is mounting anger at all corrupt, privileged elites and establishments, and that layers are beginning to see the reality of restoration in the former USSR and Eastern Europe, are factors which together are producing a complete shift in the political situation. We have passed through the worst period of the bourgeois's ideological offensive, although some after-effects of Stalinism's collapse still remain. Now events are preparing a radical leftward swing in mass opinion. We are seeing the end of one chapter and the start of a new, far more stormy one which will pose new tasks in front of the International. | |
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The Situation in the Workers' Movement and Our Tactics
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While socialism is generally not yet clearly seen among wide layers as an answer, Stalinism's collapse and the crisis in capitalism has prompted an increasing questioning and search for an alternative among both the working and middle classes. Because of the rottenness of the existing rightward moving social democratic leaders this has sometimes, in the first instance, been reflected in the rapid rise of protest parties like the Northern League in Italy and the "Reform" in Canada. In the USA, Perot's rise is a similar phenomenon, although there is no workers' party there.
This is part of the process which has seen the traditional bourgeois ruling parties, the Italian DC and Japanese LDP, suffer historic defeats after decades of continuous rule. Another side to these developments are the massive defeats for parties like the Canadian Tories, the complete collapse of the Italian PSI as well as the formation of new parties and movements. In Western Europe it is likely that this June's elections to the European Parliament will see defeats for many of the ruling parties. In some respects, at the moment, the situation in Italy is most advanced. Alongside the DC and PSI collapse and the gains for the Northern League, which is increasingly revealing its rightward policies, has been the radicalization shown in the votes for both the PDS and RC in 1993. Especially significant was that the RC, formed in February 1991, became the second biggest party, behind the Northern League, in Milan and Turin in the June 1993 local election. A feature of the past period has been a change in position of social democracy internationally, with a general tendency for its leaders to lose authority and for its organizational roots within the working class to weaken. Currently there is often the paradox of electoral support for social democracy, but no enthusiasm for it. In fact there is increasing distrust and questioning towards the leaders, but electorally the mass of workers see no alternative. The fact that extreme right parties have been able to gain temporary electoral support among some sections of the proletariat is an indication of the reservoir of backwardness which exists. But most important now is the process of change in consciousness which has begun and the radicalization among those layers not weighted down by the burden of the past. Among workers there is a growing feeling that it is necessary to fight back, that it is necessary for the working class to protect the gains it has won. In country after country there is now the possibility of mass upheavals, on a national or local scale, developing very quickly. The October 1992 mass movement in Britain of both the working and middle classes against coal mine closures is one example. The virtual insurrection in protest at a factory closure in Crotone, southern Italy, in September 1993 was another. Britain also illustrates how these movements can subside, for a period, when the leadership are able to keep them in check. There is an increasing tendency for workers to use militant forms of action like motorway blockades. Factory occupations will also tend to come to the fore again. These movements, often from below, pose a sharp challenge to the trade union leaderships. In a number of countries workers are now tending to organize unofficial bodies and even, as in the case of Italy, openly demonstrating their hatred for the official leaders. The time around this Congress witnessed the first stages of a new period of struggle by the west European workers. 1993 saw a series of 24 general strikes in Belgium, a 14 million strong 24-hour general strike in Italy, mass strikes in eastern Germany, and political radicalization in Sweden. January 1994 has seen a 24-hour public sector strike in Portugal, an eight million strong 24-hour general strike in Spain, and the start of warning strikes by west German metal workers. The October 1993 Air France victory in particular had a huge effect internationally, particularly among airport workers and in Belgium. This success showed that determined struggle can win concessions, even though the bosses will attempt to take them back as soon as they can. | |
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A Question of Orientation
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A discussion point throughout the Congress was to what extent Stalinism's collapse, decay of the old left wings, and the seeming absence of an alternative to capitalism holding back struggle. A number of German comrades gave particular stress to this, pointing to the effects of the collapse of the DDR. Other comrades argued that, while these factors clearly had an effect, for youth and other workers moving into action the starting point is mass unemployment, low wages, poor quality jobs, and the bourgeoisie's attacks, not Stalinism's collapse. It is towards these layers that we must presently orientate and, in the course of events, attempt to clarify confused ideas.
Workers learn through struggle and their conclusion that socialism as the alternative to capitalism will grow again. Already, events in the first few days of January have confirmed this position. One of the leaders of the Chiapas uprising stated that its aim was "socialism, like the Cubans, but better" and the government's brutal repression was opposed by a demonstration of up to 100,000 in Mexico City carrying pictures of Zapata and Che Guevara. Then there was an opinion poll showing that 57% of east Germans think that socialism is a "good idea" which was "badly put into practice" in the former DDR. Finally the 600,000 to a million strong January 16th Paris demonstration was a "left" demo on which socialist ideas and songs gained a good response. Of course, events will not develop in a straight line and the growth of support for the idea of socialism is not the same as a clear consciousness of how to overthrow capitalism. But it is on this basis that we can build. At the start of a struggle, workers' consciousness can even be non-political, but on the basis of experience can leap forward. This process was seen in the 1986 French student movement, which developed from being non-party to anti-government, leading to Mitterand's re-election in 1988. Inevitably, in the next period we will see the mounting opposition to bourgeois governments resulting in new social democratic or center-left governments. At the same time the bourgeoisie will use these "left" governments to contain and disorientate the masses. This will be an important period for us as some of the biggest opportunities open up, when traditional leaders are put to the test of being in office, as was the case in Britain in the late 1970s. In conditions like these the possibility of splits in the traditional organizations increases. In the first part of the Congress, there was a discussion of new France 1968 style movements especially, but not exclusively, under bourgeois governments. A French delegate explained that now in France, while ingredients for a new 1968 are coming together, it would be less passive. 1968 itself was a massive movement but with very little independence towards the official leaders. On the other hand there would possibly be not so much automatic reference to socialism at the start of the struggle. | |
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How Will We Build Our Forces?
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Amendments from the French section both raised how the French PS is being reconstructed and that, through left splits in the traditional workers parties, we could have the possibility of winning whole groups to the International. Also discussed were the perspectives for development of workers' parties in countries like Nigeria, Pakistan, South Africa and the USA, where none currently exist.
Many of the Congress's debates were ultimately orientated to the practical questions of how we will build our forces. Part of this was a discussion of the question of different generations of workers drawing conclusions at varying speeds. We have always aimed to win our first base among the youth and comrades reported, particularly from Sweden, on the layer of mid-teens we have recently won. This led to a discussion on to what extent, in this period, could older layers of the proletariat be won. But there was no disagreement as to the main layers we are currently aiming at, namely those, mainly youth, looking for an alternative, a way of fighting back, and who are most open to revolutionary ideas. Already the development of events, both the class struggles internationally and our anti-fascist work in Europe, has posed before all comrades the danger of our small forces being swamped by events. We face now the critical question of how much weight have we been able to build before big developments occur. From this point of view alone the question of winning, and then consolidating, individual comrades now is essential. Throughout our international discussion on the traditional workers' organizations and tactics we explained that, despite other changes which have and are still taking place, the broad mass of the class will pass through the stage of reformism and centrism, i.e. Menshevism, before being won to Marxism. The main change is that the decay of the old traditional organizations means that, at least in some countries, the organizational form of that new left reformist and centrist developments take is open to question. | |
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The "Open Turn"
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A controversial question both inside and outside the Congress sessions was over the question of whether more sections should launch an open organization and, linked to this, medium to longer term perspectives for the traditional organizations.
Naturally it was agreed that it was not possible to have one position or tactic for all countries. While there are international trends we also have to take into account the conditions in each country. Before deciding on launching an open organization we have to consider the political situation and the condition of the workers' organizations. For instance in Italy we have been in favor of entry into the RC since 1991 and we do not rule out entry or fraction work in other countries in the future; in fact, it is a most likely development. Additionally, when discussing tactics, we have to consider the specific weight of our own sections. The series of struggles in which our British, Irish and Swedish comrades have been involved was already reflected in their electoral successes before they launched open organizations. In these countries an open organization meant a significant development in the working class movement. Unfortunately this is not yet the case in other countries. In the Congress the successes of the British and Swedish sections had a big impact. Some Swedish comrades asked whether comrades in some countries (namely Austria, Belgium, possibly Canada, Germany and the Netherlands) were in danger of missing opportunities by not making an open turn in the near future. Clearly it is necessary for all sections to regularly examine their tactics in the light of developments, but the IS felt that there was a danger of trying to find one international tactic to repeat the British and Swedish successes. At all times when examining this question we must strive to avoid the dangers both of conservatism and ultra-leftism in regard to judging the consciousness of different layers and our tactics. There are already differences in the situations of those sections which are open. In Britain, Ireland and Sweden we had already begun to establish a reputation and the launch of an open organization had some impact in the workers' movement. But in both Sri Lanka and France we started open organizations when we were a much weaker force. In Sri Lanka we have worker independently since our 1989 split with the NSSP and established ourselves as a clear tendency, while also carrying out a limited amount of fraction work. In France the comrades have been working to consolidate their newly fused open organization and, not ruling out future entry or fraction work, are discussing the complicated developments in the French workers' movement. For the other sections, both the national objective situation and our own strengths and weaknesses have to be examined in order to determine our tactics. For example at the Congress there was discussion about whether the Pakistani comrades should pursue different tactics in the different provinces of the country. We do not necessarily have to be a significant influence in the workers' movement before starting an open organization; the decisive question is the political situation and our work. For a small group the actual launch itself would probably only have a minor impact on the workers' movement. The questions for sections is whether, at this stage, they would grow quicker by forming open organizations? Even if this question is answered negatively today, it has to be asked again when the situation demands it. But whatever tactic we employ, we must be clear that not having an open organization does not prevent independent work or direct recruitment, for example publicly asking people to join our "group". Today in Europe this issue is part of the question of how we link together our fast growing anti-fascist initiative with our own sections recruitment and general activity. This debate on perspectives for traditional organizations and which tactics to use will, from now on, be a regular feature of our internal life. | |
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Other Discussions and Our Next Steps
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The Congress also held major sessions on the colonial revolution, perspectives for the ex-Stalinist states, recruitment and consolidation, and received an IS report before electing a new IEC, International Control Commission, and Auditors. Evening commissions were also held on the national question and on anti-fascist work.
The main points in these sessions are in the documents which were discussed and will be developed in further material. Especially important will be to continue and to develop the exchange of experiences and conclusions on how to integrate and consolidate new members, particularly when we grow rapidly and-or recruit young people and women. Discussion, both verbal and written, will also continue on a number of other subjects which arose during the Congress. These additional issues include:
• the analysis of the economic situation, not just in regard to economic depression, but also the relationship between over-accumulation of capital and underconsumption in ending the post-Second World War upswing. One of the features of the World Congress's discussions was an open exchange of views which took place in a very friendly manner. There was no hint of bitterness or any sign whatsoever of incipient faction struggle. On the contrary, the debate had all the hallmarks of a vibrant movement discussing real issues in a comradely manner in order to achieve greater clarity. This we have already seen in the recent discussion on the Interim Government and conscription between the IS and the South African EC which has been of benefit to the entire International. As we have always pointed out, the idea of the "monolithic character" of Bolshevism, was one of the many Stalinist falsifications of history. Bolshevism's real character was fully democratic debate followed by decisive, united action. The last item on the Congress agenda was the election of a new IEC. After discussion it was agreed to elect a smaller IEC of 22 members which, because of our limited resources, would be able to meet more regularly than a larger body. The Congress ended on a very positive note, reflecting both the success of the meeting and the opportunities which are opening up. The Swedish section's rapid growth in 1993 showed clearly the results which the combination of a radicalization in society and our own activity can produce. Other sections will also see similar opportunities in the coming period, and this re-enforces the necessity of preparing politically and organizationally today for the events of tomorrow. Internationally we will also have the chance to increase the number of countries we are active in. Already since the Congress the first weeks of 1994 have shown that we have the possibility of establishing new groups in Hungary, Italy, Portugal and Tanzania. The question now is how can we strengthen the work of the International in helping existing and future sections. This means both involving more comrades in the International's work and expanding our resources, especially finance and International full-timers, to meet the challenges of the 1990s.
Statement by the International Secretariat |