Mass meetings of the Korean Hospital Workers' Unions and the Korean Federation of Professional and Technicians' Unions voted to strike. By 1pm, many of the unions belonging to the unofficial Federations - metal-workers, automobile workers, chemical workers - had held rallies at their own company grounds and began to converge on the various regional centers.

Hyundai Motors, Hyundai Heavy Industry, Daewoo Heavy Industry and other major manufacturing sector unions stopped work. "The 10pm tally confirmed the massive wave of the general strike that shocked not only the government and the mass media, but also the KCTU office staff", commented the Campaign News. No fewer than ninety-five unions, with a total participation of 146,233 workers, had been on strike the first day. Another 63 unions would join on the second day and a further 17 by the third. Such was the strength of feeling on the issues at stake, that the second day also saw the involvement of the FKTU - the normally docile 101% pro-government federation.

On 27th December, inspired by the French example, members of the 12 unions affiliated to the Korean Federation of Truck Drivers held a 200-strong parade along the main expressway. The next day, 2,000 cars decorated with placards, stickers and flags and carrying over 8,000 workers from eleven different regions drove along the same Seoul expressway "at a turtle pace". Seoul and Pusan subway workers had decided to join the strike.

All six major Korean carmakers (all KCTU organized) were at a standstill and occupied. It is an established tradition, given the bitter experiences of the past, for workers to maintain a presence in the factories during strikes for fear of employers starting up work without them or locking them out for good.

Rallies were taking place in all the major cities - meticulously planned and organized like the strike itself. Each trade union contingent had its leaders and stewards who knew exactly what they were doing and the discipline was exemplary. Nevertheless in the capital on the first Saturday, riot police attacked a perfectly orderly demonstration, firing a barrage of tear gas into the peaceful marchers. In the words of the 'Campaign News', local and foreign media, eagerly "jumped on the scene". They attempted to portray the general strike as a "rampant deluge of violence" and worse still, tried to provoke it into becoming one. They "failed miserably", the bulletin proudly reports, "as ranks of workers and supporting citizens kept the peace".

On the evening of December 31st, following the allotted theme for the sixth day of protest -"Farewell to 1996" - thousands of trade unionists and 'citizens' held a candlelight demonstration at Myong Dong cathedral. Swaying in time to the songs of the workers' struggle, they made their way towards the Boshin-gak bell that traditionally sounds the beginning of the New Year. Predictably, police barred their way. They fired barrages of tear gas to prevent participation in the New Year's Eve ceremony, attended by thousands of people and broadcast live on television. But the demonstrators made detours in groups of three and four and reassembled to unfurl large numbers of placards and make sure their message was heard. On New Year's Day itself, more celebrations. Favorite amongst the striking workers was a new game - throwing darts at cardboard cartoons of a "typical capitalist", a politician and the president.

On January 2nd a new plan of action was announced at the KCTU's press conference. The contended labor laws had suddenly been 'promulgated' which meant no further delay before their implementation. Kwon Yong-kil now demanded not only the "nullification" of the labor laws and a new round of discussions but the resignation of the entire cabinet. If the government failed to respond, the KCTU would denounce the NKP and organize protest visits to its local offices and a "concerted trade union political campaign against the ruling party in the upcoming presidential election".

In stark contrast to the obvious discomfiture of the ruling layer, workers participating in the numerous union meetings and regional rallies had been enormously encouraged by the news of solidarity action and messages of support. The KCTU now remarked, "The extraordinary international apprehension at the bulldozing of the Bills indicated by the series of protest letters and the news coverage by the international media is, to some degree, responsible for the absence of an immediate crackdown on the General Strike by the government".

"New knowledge," they wrote, "that similar kinds of battles are being fought out in various parts of the world, even in those countries which were once believed to have achieved all there was to achieve for workers' rights and welfare - countries like Australia, Germany, France, United States - has given them (the striking workers), in a rather ironic way, a sense of being pioneers in this worldwide struggle, giving them a greater determination".

By January 6th the strike figures were again nearing the 200,000 mark. The continuing strike campaign began to stimulate other social organizations. The National Council of Churches in Korea called a meeting of 52 regional human rights committees to set up a pan-Christian 'task force' for the re-amendment of the labor laws. A national body of catholic priests decided to hoist placards in church compounds making them available as sanctuary to striking workers. A Buddhist monks' organization also formed an 'emergency task force'.

The 'Association of Lawyers for a Democratic Society' made an official application for access to all the relevant records of the extraordinary session of the National Assembly which had seen the "commando-style passage of the problematic bills". The 'University Professors' Association for Democracy' began a petition campaign to collect 2,000 signatures among their colleagues. Similar efforts were being undertaken by medical practitioners, "cultural artists" and pharmacists. For the first time in this strike, the unions of insurance, stock and security companies started to participate.

But it was on the 6th January that two "well-built policemen" barged into the KCTU offices to serve summonses on its leaders. They made no arrests but, by the evening of the next day, a total of 217 trade union activists in different parts of the country had been summoned for questioning by the public prosecutors. The 8pm television news indicated that they were going to apply for arrest warrants the next day. Acting on a tip-off from a sympathetic reporter that their offices were about to be raided and searched, the KCTU leaders removed important documents and computers to 'safe houses'.

At 5 am on 7th January union members at the four major television and radio networks walked off the job. Later in the day, as the 'Campaign News' puts it, "The familiar faces who brighten the television screens were out on the streets or in the park, mingling with the technicians or uniformed workers from the factories and the white-collar workers from the Stock Exchange - all of them singing songs together. Today's demonstration, some 15,000 strong - left the Jongmyo Park quickly and dispersed in groups of tens and twenties to a hundred different local centers in Seoul for public awareness raising sessions."

The KCTU newspaper department had printed one million copies of a special strike edition. Workers took bundles of the newspaper, together with leaflets and petitions to shopping centers, department stores, subway and railway stations to "meet the general public". Similar campaigns were repeated in 20 regional centers from the southernmost Cheju-do Island to the northernmost cities of Kangwon-do province, "with their snow-capped mountains in the back-ground". The next day in Chullabuk-do province, strikers went to rural villages hit by heavy snowfall to assist in the recovery work. Other members from the industrial estates, zones and complexes conducted a clean-up campaign in nearby "environmentally distressed" areas.

The 8th January, as the KCTU's narrative explains, "Saw the full entry of the white-collar workers into the strike". This will, it is believed, set the stage for the re-enactment of the great June democratic struggle in 1987, which "catapulted" into a massive democratic uprising led by the "neck-tie corps".

On the 9th of January, protest rallies were organized throughout the country in front of branch offices of the New Korea Party and Friday, 10th January, was designated a day of protest against the "thief government". There was much speculation as to whether the FKTU, which had "left the strike trail" for more than two weeks, would postpone yet again its resumption of industrial action. At present it was promising to bring all its members out on January 13th.

Late on the 9th of January, police raids had been carried out on a number of KCTU headquarters including those of the metalworkers, hospital workers and automobile workers. Thousands of riot police raided the central KCTU offices at 12.30am the following night. Undaunted, the KCTU was calling for "the biggest strike in the nation's history" on 14th-15th January and the Federation of Korean Trade Unions (FKTU) had at last announced that it would rejoin the action.

"A crowd of people wearing the familiar red headbands was making its way to Pagoda Park. It was full of young and old alike, mothers and fathers with their children, high school students and a number of nuns and monks. The atmosphere was jubilant and energised (like a Korean company 'team building' day). The 'Ajummas' (the older married Korean women) were busy selling their lamayon (noodles) and fish while the 'Ajossi' (the elder married men) were drinking coffee or soju. It felt like a picnic.

"A group of young women were nurses from one of Seoul's largest hospitals. Their major concerns were unreasonable lay-offs, irregular schedules, extended work time and the ability of the employer to transfer them to any hospital at any time. They felt that the demonstration was powerful, cheerful, and most of all, they felt safe. A medical insurance man felt (it) was a turning point, a joint protest with labor and Seoul citizens. On a platform high above the listening and participating audience, two men representing communication workers were having their heads shaved (a traditional way of displaying dedication to a cause).

"Throughout the afternoon a large contingent of about 500 riot police stood by with shields, weapons and face guards, looking as if they were waiting for something to happen. The crowd left the park and began to emerge on the busy street. Soon the traffic had been stopped and the smell of tear gas began to filter through the air. A few rocks were thrown by the crowd, then an announcement was made by the police. They must disperse from the street as this was now an illegal demonstration. Instead, the crowd started coming towards the police. More rocks were thrown and more tear gas fired. At one time the crowd managed to surround the riot police."

A young English teacher in Chong-ju wrote in a letter to her parents:

"Last weekend I joined a local demonstration. A Korean woman (teacher) asked me as many questions as I did her. She was inspired that a foreigner joined and supported the demonstration. They're expected to work 55 hours a week and are calling for an eight-hour day. They work six days a week, so that's still 48 hours.

"The Korean labor movement anthem is so moving - The Marching Song for You - so uplifting. I had chills down my spine and tears in my eyes. The strikers' chants are about 'Protecting democracy' and 'Killing dictators'. They don't mince their words here. And they are all wearing head-bands that read: 'Fight - Unification - Victory.'

"More workers are joining each day. Today (Wednesday 15) the suit-clad office workers have joined in. Myong Dong, the most expensive shopping area of Seoul, has been the scene of daily riots and the police and army aren't shy with the tear gas!"

On the two days of joint action the KCTU claimed 420,000 struck work and its rally in Seoul on 15th January was the biggest so far with 60,000 participating. But the KCTU members were demonstrating in Yoido Square while the FKTU members had assembled separately at Jongmyo Park. It would not be until January 26th that the leaders of both union federations would stand together before the massed ranks of a joint demonstration.

So far, the 'wanted' KCTU Executive Committee members were still safe in their camp on the hill. Visits by law enforcement officers had been easily repulsed. They had not come in large numbers and the government had not decided whether it could run the risk of creating martyrs. Whenever a mass movement threatens the authority of the ruling class, it is torn between repression and concession.

Ruling party chairman, Li Hung-koo, had announced he was seeking the intervention of Cardinal Stephen Kim Souhwan, a well-known mediator on such occasions, to come to the aid of the party and help settle the crisis peacefully. But he had insisted in the same breath that the labor laws must stay, essential as they were in "helping the nation's economic recovery". This was simply a repeat of the line taken by the president in his New Year address on 7th January which had so angered the striking workers. They had been told that the "sacrifices must be shared" and that "workers in advanced countries like France, USA, Germany don't strike".

It was clear however that the president and his men were becoming jittery. Opinion polls showed public support for the strike still increasing - from just over 50% on the first day, now in the region of 80%-85%. The previously tame and compliant Federation of Korean Trade Unions had joined in the action once more, bringing the combined total of strikers to over one million. The FKTU leadership had given no commitment to participate further in the strike but its ranks were being infected by the enthusiasm and determination expressed by the members of the rival federation.

Kim Young-sam was perfectly aware that arresting the KCTU leaders would inflame the situation; but lifting the warrants would be a sign of weakness and a humiliation. His indecision reflects the splits developing at the top of Korean society which in turn have the effect of emboldening the movement. It is now, more than three weeks into the strike, that the president considers inviting the leaders of the two main opposition parties to his residence - the Blue House - for talks. After this meeting of "The Three Kims" (Young-sam, Dae-jung and Jong-pil) he will promise to lift the arrest warrants and to contemplate amendment of the labor laws.

'Workers' News Productions ' is a veteran but youthful team that has made no fewer than 20 tapes on the history of the democratic workers' movement since 1987. They combine intrepid filming with inventive ways of presenting the propaganda of the workers' movement. One of the tapes, for example, shows footage run backwards of the president and his men walking together somewhere. This is a metaphor, writes an explanation in English, to show that the president and the government are "not going forward but are going back". It also shows Kim Young-sam's inaugural ceremony in 1993 when he elaborated all his "hopeful remarks and rosy promises" to the people and then catalogues the disasters in which hundreds of people were killed - the collapse of the Sungsu Bridge and the Sampoong Department Store and the Taegu gas explosion - all the result, of bribery scandals involving political and economic figures and a total abuse of public authority.

The two videos about the latest movement show some of the most colorful and dramatic scenes of the strike struggle. They show the workers of the notorious Masan and Changwon export zone fighting the riot police and disarming them - putting their shields, batons and tear-gas rifles in a pile and making them sit or kneel meekly in a circle. It shows workers in Chonjoo piercing their fingers and writing with their own blood their demands for the nullification of the labor law. It shows effigies being burnt in Kyoungjoo and a traditional funeral ceremony for the New Korea Party in Kyoungkeedo. The teams of volunteer guards at the entrance to Myong Dong Cathedral grounds are shown doing their 24-hour shifts in temperatures as low as minus 15 degrees. "They don't mind their difficulties because they are protecting the KCTU leaders from the fear of arrest" runs the explanation sheet to reassure its international "customers". (The video, like numerous audio tapes of the songs of the movement, is sold and sent worldwide to raise funds as well as support for the strikers and their campaign).